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What Pennsylvania's Own SNAP Count Cannot Explain

Writing from Philadelphia, I look at Pennsylvania's SNAP enrollment drop and the government's own admission that less than half traces to the new law.

By Harry Hayman 7 min read

Nobody voted to cut those Pennsylvanians. That is the sentence I keep coming back to, and I want to be precise about what I mean by it, because it is not a slogan. It is a math problem, and I think the state’s own numbers make the point better than I ever could on my own.

Over the twelve months ending in late August, Pennsylvania’s SNAP enrollment fell from 1.96 million people to 1.74 million. That is 220,000 Pennsylvanians off the rolls, an eleven percent drop, in a state where food insecurity is not going down. I sat with that figure for a while before I noticed the sentence that came right after it in the reporting, the one that actually changes the story. Pennsylvania’s own Department of Human Services does not credit the new federal law with all of it. Not even most of it.

The Number Pennsylvania’s Own Count Gives Us

Here is the specific claim, and I want to state it as carefully as the state did. Of the roughly 220,000 people who came off SNAP in Pennsylvania this year, the state Department of Human Services estimates that about 98,000, just under half, can be attributed to the new rules passed in last year’s federal budget reconciliation law, the one that rewrote large parts of SNAP eligibility. Those new rules, as reported by Pennsylvania Capital-Star, include tighter work requirements, narrower eligibility for immigrants, and a heavier paperwork load for people signing up or renewing their benefits.

I want to sit on that phrase, just under half, because it is doing all the work here. Just under half means the state itself, the agency with every incentive to say the law explains the whole number, is not saying that. It is saying the opposite. Under half.

The Part Nobody Has Explained

So what happened to the other roughly 122,000 people? I looked for an answer and I did not find one, not a clean one, not from Pennsylvania and not from Washington.

What I found instead was a caution, straight from the federal agency that runs the program. A spokesperson for the U.S. Department of Agriculture told the same reporters that enrollment changes should not be pinned on any single policy. Households that are still eligible are also subject to recertification. People move into a new job. Some simply stop participating. Household circumstances change in a hundred small ways that never make it into a headline. The number of people receiving benefits, the spokesperson said, is constantly shifting and is not a clean readout of any one law, and other states have seen declines that started well before this law existed.

I take that caution seriously, because it cuts both directions. It means I cannot tell you, honestly, that the missing 122,000 people are all administrative churn, all paperwork, all people who remained eligible and simply got lost in a system that moved faster than they could keep up with. Nobody has published that breakdown. What I can tell you is that nobody has published the opposite either, the version where all of them were correctly found ineligible under a law that only accounts for 98,000. Somewhere between those two stories is the truth, and right now it belongs to nobody, which is its own kind of answer.

The Same Story, Told Nationally

Zoom out and the pattern holds. Nationally, SNAP enrollment fell from 42.2 million people in May of last year to 36.6 million this past May, a drop of more than 13 percent in twelve months, according to reporting from the Associated Press. That decline is steeper than the government’s own forecasters expected. The Congressional Budget Office, a nonpartisan office with no reason to exaggerate in either direction, had projected in February that these changes would push enrollment below 34 million sometime over the next decade. By May, enrollment had already fallen about as far as the CBO thought it would take until 2030.

And in that same national reporting sits the sentence I think matters most. People losing coverage include some who genuinely do not meet the tightened requirements, and, according to advocates quoted in the piece, some who remain eligible but were rejected because they missed a deadline or could not produce the right document in time. It is too early to tell exactly how many people fall into each group. Six words doing an enormous amount of honest work. Too early to tell.

What the New Rules Actually Changed

I do not want to leave the actual rules vague, because vagueness is its own kind of disservice here. Community Legal Services of Philadelphia, the legal aid organization that has been walking Philadelphians through this since the law passed, lays out what changed in plain terms. Starting September 1, 2025, many adults have had to prove twenty hours of work a week to keep their SNAP, or risk being limited to three months of benefits in a three year period, unless they meet a specific exemption. Starting November 1, 2025, most immigrants who are not citizens, green card holders, or from a short list of exempted countries, stopped being eligible to apply at all. The federal government’s own explanation of the work requirement covers the mechanics from the other side of the counter.

None of that is a secret, and none of it is what I am disputing. What I am disputing is the leap from a real, documented rule to a claim that everyone who left the rolls fell under it. Pennsylvania’s own count does not make that leap. Neither should the rest of us.

Why I Keep Saying Administrative, Not Moral

This is the sentence that sits underneath everything I make about hunger in this city. Food insecurity here is not a story about individual failure, and it is not a story about generosity either. It is infrastructure, and infrastructure breaks in specific, traceable, fixable places. A caseworker with too many files. A verification letter mailed to a wrong apartment number. A call center with a two hour hold time and a hard stop at five o’clock. None of that shows up in a bill signing photo. All of it shows up in a number like 122,000.

I think that framing matters because the alternative, quietly, blames the people in that count. It lets a reader assume they must have done something wrong, missed something, been careless with a form, when the honest answer is that nobody, not the state, not the federal government, has told us that. Pennsylvania’s own reporting on food banks in the same period noted that Pennsylvania’s SNAP payment error rate sat at 9.21 percent in 2025, and that a senior policy analyst at the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities told the Post-Journal that the timing of new state cost pressures is especially hard because it lands while millions of people have already lost food assistance. That is a state under real strain, administering a program under real strain, and a strained system produces exactly the kind of gap we are looking at.

What Would Actually Fix This

I try to follow one rule in this work. Never complain without naming something that could actually change. So here is what I think Pennsylvania can do without waiting on Congress for anything.

Fix the form, so a missing document does not silently end a family’s benefits before anyone can catch it. Staff the call centers, so a two hour hold is not the reason someone’s paperwork arrives a day late. Give caseworkers enough hours in a week to actually find the people who are still eligible before a filing deadline finds them first. Every one of those is a state administrative choice, not a federal law, and every one of those gets harder, not easier, once the state’s own share of what it costs to run SNAP jumps from fifty percent to seventy five percent this October. That is not an excuse for Harrisburg. It is the reason the fix has to happen now, before the budget gets even tighter.

Nobody voted for a renewal form to decide who eats in Pennsylvania. A form does not have a mandate. A caseworker’s overtime hours are not a mandate either. But a legislature that funds enough of both is exactly the kind of decision Pennsylvanians did vote for, and I intend to keep asking, loudly, why we are still waiting on it. I Am Hungry in Philadelphia is built to keep asking questions like this one long after a single news cycle moves on.

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